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The Council on Hemispheric Affairs was stablished to promote the common interests of the hemisphere, raise the visibility of regional affairs and increase the importance of the inter-American relationship, as well as encourage the formulation of rational and constructive U.S. policies towards Latin America. 

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Brazilian immigrants are returning home to a bustling economy that offers better financial opportunities for Brazilian natives and foreigners alike. As competition for jobs in the U.S. has become increasingly fierce, many Brazilian-Americans have been persuaded to return home, where obstacles such as work visas, English fluency, and not to mention prolonged separation from family, are absent.  Due to a historically low unemployment rate of 6 percent and earnings back home that have risen 170 percent since 1999, Brazilian immigrants are returning to their native construction, manufacturing, and service industries, which in the United States have been crippled by the ongoing effects of the recession.

Despite the global economic downturn, in 2008, the Brazilian economy rebounded quickly and has maintained steady growth. Brazil now leads Latin America with the world’s seventh largest economy, rising to prominence on the global stage. During the economic turmoil of the 1980s that swept Latin America, many Brazilians emigrated to the United States in hopes of achieving their own versions of the “American Dream:” an idealistic goal no longer possible in today’s stagnant U.S. economy. Subsequently, the Brazilian Diaspora is now beginning to return home for better economic opportunities. Recently, airlines have noted that a higher number of Brazilian migrants are now purchasing one-way tickets during the winter months when the need for U.S manual labor slows down.

As the number of Brazilians flocking home increases, the population of Brazilians in the U.S. decreases. According to the Yearbook of Immigration Statistics, the amount of legal permanent residents who emigrated from Brazil to the U.S. has decreased from 14,701 residents in 2009 to 12,057 in 2010.” As Brazilians return home for better employment opportunities, U.S. citizens have followed suit, seeking the benefits of a potential “Brazilian Dream”.

Motivations Behind U.S Migration to Brazil

Americans are arriving in Brazil with a gold-rush mentality, determined to make profit. In the first six months of 2010, more than 4,300 U.S. citizens received working visas from Brazil’s labor ministry, an increase of twenty percent over the previous year alone.

U.S. bankers, hedge fund managers, oil executives, and engineers have fled to large metropolitan cities such as Rio de Janeiro and São Paolo in search of jobs. U.S. and foreign investors have been particularly attracted to Brazil’s oil discoveries. Meanwhile, the demand for jobs in information technology industries is also high. Brazil still needs about 60,000 new engineers and as a result the government has been soliciting U.S. and other foreigner workers to fill these needed skilled positions. Jobs in mining, infrastructure, retail, and finance have also attracted trained workers from all around the world.

According to the New York Times, salaries in Brazil “are at least 50 percent more than salaries in the U.S. for strategic positions.” Last year, Brazil’s economy increased 7.5 percent and is expected to grow by four percent this year. Despite the more favorable opportunities found in Brazil, US citizens heading south will face issues not encountered in the States. These include an overheating of the Brazilian economy and the high appreciation of the Brazilian Real. Americans also have to compete for jobs with homeward-bound Brazilians as labor legislation favors hiring a Brazilian worker over a foreigner.

For immigrants, obtaining a Brazilian work visa can be a lengthy process. Still, U.S. citizens are attracted by an alluring culture, the Portuguese language, the hospitality of the Brazilian people, and the upcoming 2014 World Cup and 2016 Olympic Games.  Despite these attractions, U.S. President Barack Obama’s new economic stimulus plan may alter the currently increasing immigration rate to Brazil.

Future Projections for Migration Patterns to Brazil

On Thursday, September 8, 2011 Obama outlined several goals for his stimulus plan, specifically geared toward creating more jobs to jolt the economy. If passed the stimulus plan will provide more summer jobs for young workers, invest USD 35 billion in local communities for more teachers and expanded healthcare, and provide businesses with USD 4,000 in tax credits to those unemployed for a period of six months or more. If the stimulus plan is passed and expands economic opportunities in the U.S. as intended, we can expect the mad dash to Brazil to abate. However, Brazil’s rise has turned it into a global destination of considerable gravity, particularly for those seeking a broad spectrum of economic opportunities.

Written by COHA Research Associate Denise Fonseca

When Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff took office on January 1 of this year she pledged to fulfill the demands of the Brazilian people to reform the political status quo. Her pledge against corruption was tested as allegations of misconduct arose in her ministry. She reacted to the allegations of venality by forcing three of her ministers to resign between the months of June and August. However, at the end of August, in an attempt to reunify her coalition government, Rousseff toned down her iron determination to confront the abuse of public office and vowed not to force any more resignations. Even this promise proved impossible when her Minister of Tourism was accused of misusing public funds. Rousseff reacted appropriately by forcing the Minster of Tourism to resign on September 24. To successfully combat corruption in her government, however, Rousseff must proactively root out misconduct in her administration. By hesitating to take an active position against corruption in an attempt to avert the fragmentation of her coalition government, she is ignoring the long-term benefits of an honest government for Brazilian society.

A culture of corruption within Brazilian government has had a costly impact on the economy. The Federation of Industries of São Paulo estimated that corruption costs the nation between 1.38 and 2.3 percent of its total GDP each year. From 1990 to 2008, the siphoning of public funds for personal enrichment prevented GDP per capita from growing an additional 15.5 percent. The study went on to conclude that, had Brazil realized the gains of more efficient public spending, its GDP per capita would have been USD 9,184 in 2008 rather than USD 7,954.

Incensed by the political disregard for society, in June 2010 the Brazilian people presented a petition with 1.6 million signatures to Brazil’s Congress that demanded political reform. Under pressure for such reform, Congress passed the Clean Record Law, “Ficha Limpa.” The law bars any person who has been convicted (or who has pending allegations) of one of a range of crimes, including electoral fraud and misuse of public funds, from running for elected office. When Rousseff took office she gave the Brazilian people even more hope for a cleaner government: “It is my duty as President of all Brazilians to see an end to the impunity which shelters many of those accused of involvement in corruption practices. We will punish all abuses and excesses.”

Despite her tough demeanor and putative intolerance for corruption, Rousseff has only reacted when the media has highly publicized specific cases. In June, when Brazil’s largest daily newspaper Folha de São Paulo reported that Chief of Staff Antonio Palocci’s income increased twentyfold from 2006 to 2010, Rousseff hesitated to act because of Palocci’s importance in the government, especially in the economic sector. Reports claim that Palocci illegally solicited his services as a corporate consultant on political matters while holding a position as a federal legislator. Although the Attorney General did not manage to bring a conviction against Palocci, he did get him to resign.

After the Palocci scandal, the Brazilian weekly magazine Veja brought to light two more cases of venality within the Rousseff administration. The magazine reported that the transport ministry had systematically overbilled contracts. After her reluctance with Palocci, Rousseff reacted quickly. Four days later, Transport Minister Alfredo Nascimento was forced to resign. A few days later, Veja published another report, this time targeting the agriculture ministry for similar overpayments. Agriculture Minister Wagner Rossi of the Brazilian Democratic Movement Party (PMDB) was also forced to step down. Although Rousseff’s response was faster in these cases of misconduct, she still merely reacted to media coverage, rather than proactively pursuing a clean administration.

Although many Brazilian people have expressed their support for Rousseff’s anti-corruption initiatives (her public opinion ratings remain strong at 70.2 percent), according to Folha, on August 23 Rousseff pledged not to fire any more ministers. Former Congressman Fernando Gabeira commented, “President Dilma seems to be torn between not aggravating her allies – some of whom are compromised by corruption – and satisfying the needs of the people, especially now that we face a global economic crisis.” On August 2, the Party of the Republic (PR), to which the former Transport Minister belongs, broke away from Rousseff’s coalition. PR is a small party, so the loss was not particularly noteworthy. Nevertheless, future ruptures could cause major problems for Rousseff’s collection of parties. Rousseff’s announcement seemed to indicate that she would focus on short-term unity in her government instead of concentrating on the long-term benefits of an honest government by seeking out misconduct.

Despite Rousseff’s vow not to force additional ministers out of office, on September 14, Tourism Minister Pedro Novais was forced to resign after allegations arose of misuse of public funds to finance a personal maid and a driver for his wife. Rousseff’s promise was an obvious attempt to reunify her government, but it would have offered impunity to many of her allegedly corrupt government colleagues. Thankfully, Rousseff did not stick to her promise and responded appropriately to ensure Novais’ resignation.

Even though Rousseff’s reactive responses to the corruption cases are a bigger step than any former Brazilian president has taken to end dishonesty in the government, Rousseff needs to take the fight further. It is time for Rousseff to end her reactionary, media-influenced actions and take a strong, proactive stance against corruption. Even though she has duty to her broad political coalition, Rousseff must not compromise her convictions on fundamental issues, especially when confronting corruption.

Written by COHA Research Associate Katie Steefel

Cattle Ranching in the Paraguayan Chaco

In Paraguay, the Ayoreo people are fighting for their very survival. These indigenous people are struggling to save their ancestral home in the Chaco region from cattle companies, farmers and religious sects who are moving into the region and clearing the land. New arrivals do this to make the land suitable for farming and grazing cattle. The combination of burning and then bulldozing the land leaves the region barren.

The Chaco region in southwestern Paraguay is one of the most inhospitable lands in South America; while it composes 60 percent of the country’s area, it is inhabited by only two percent of the Paraguayan population. Popular filmmaker and conservationist David Attenborough has praised the beauty of Chaco calling it “one of the last great wilderness areas left in the world” and called for its protection due to the many plants and animals that inhabit its dense forests.

The preservation of forested areas is not only vital to sustaining the region’s biodiversity; the survival of the Ayoreo people also depends upon it. It is not simply a matter of the Ayoreo people moving somewhere else. The territory called Eami in their language, is tied to their history and very identity and thus valued as sacred. As one of the members of the Ayoreo point out, “Our history is etched in every stream, in every waterhole, on the trees…our territory expresses itself through our history because the Ayoreo people and our territory are a single being.”

While the Ayoreo people were legally awarded some disputed land by the Paraguayan government, two Brazilian beef corporations, BBC S.A and River Plate S.A are refusing to hand over the land until they are sufficiently compensated. These companies are seeking permission to clear a large area of land bordering on the Ayoreo’s. This will mean fencing the Ayoreos in to a smaller area, marginalizing them even further. Although many Paraguayan officials support expanding the cattle and farming industries throughout the Chaco as a means to boost the economy, the long-term damage to the nation from both a human rights and an environmental perspective would be catastrophic. The practice of slash and burn agriculture will only bring short-term benefits at the expense of Paraguay’s ecology and the destruction of the Ayoreo people.

The Ayoreo-Totobeigosode, a sub community of the Ayoreo, is one of the last uncontacted groups in the world, Brazilian beef corporations, wealthy farmers, and Mennonite communities seeking remote areas in which to live a life based on a literal translation of the bible are encroaching on the Ayoreo lands. In the 1950s, the Ayoreo people lived in an area 2,800,000 hectares; now they claim only 550,00 hectares – a loss of nearly 80 percent. According to the BBC, over 1 million hectares have disappeared since 2007. Moreover, the new arrivals into the Chaco region have brought diseases, such as measles that were previously unknown to the Ayoreo people.

Members of the  Ayoreo-Totobeigosode

Both BBC S.A and River Plare S.A have been caught twice by satellite imagery of illegallyclearing protected forestryin Chaco. Yaguarete Pera, another Brazilian cattle corporation in the region was found guilty of deforesting the region and concealing evidence of the displace Ayoreo’s former presence. No stranger to controversy, Survival International awarded Yaguarete Pera their 2010 ‘Greenwashing Award’ for “dressing up the wholesale destruction of a huge area of the Indians’ forest as a noble gesture for conservation.”

Survival International issued a report to the United Nations’ Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (CERD) on 10th August, 2011 stating that the Ayores-Totobeigosode face the “imminent danger” of extermination. There are only 5,600 Ayoreo Indians left today with about 3,000 living in Bolivia and 2,600 in Paraguay. The Ayoreo people were lured out of their homes and into modern society with promises of a better life; many were dragged out forcibly. As Aquino Picanerai, a member of the Ayoreo recalled, “they brought us to the world of the white people and locked us up in this concentration camp.” Lacking the necessary skills to thrive in modern society and disenchanted with their situation, these indigenous people have since returned to their more traditional way of life. Others rejected modernity from the start, opting never to leave the forest, hoping to remain hidden and unmolested from the outside world. Sadly this will not be the case. Rising beef profits and the availability of cheap land continues to bring speculators seeking fortunes into the region.

Certain government officials in Paraguay have expressed the need for investment and claim that the human rights and deforestation situation has been exaggerated. Paraguay’s weak laws facilitate the wholesale destruction of the forest. Under current Paraguayan laws an individual or corporation is allowed to clear forest on up to 75% of its land. They may then sell the remaining 25 % to another entity who is entitled to clear 75% of that plot. The process leads to the complete destruction of that land. Last year, Paraguay’s congress failed to pass a law that would have placed a ban on deforestation in the Chaco region.

In an attempt to explain public silence on injustices being perpetrated in the Chaco region, Benno Glauser, the Director of Iniciativa Amotocodie explains “public opinion has no opinion on the matter”. The Chaco is at the periphery of a country of little international importance. Even in Paraguay, the Chaco does not embody the homogenous Guaraní society composing the majority of the population – more than 98 percent of Paraguayans are either mestizo or of primarily European descent. In contrast, the wilderness of the Chaco is sparsely populated by indigenous tribes and religious isolationists. In the public discourse, the cause to save the Ayoreo remains an obscure impediment to economic development. If this matter continues to fall on deaf ears then the allure of profits at the expense of humanity will prevail.

Written by COHA Research Associate Sean O’ Leary

Source: Dustin Humphrey

At its sixth congress on April 19, 2011, the Communist Party of Cuba approved a series of economic reforms that could breathe new life into an economy damaged by the world financial crisis, large-scale natural disasters, and a strong, historical dependence on imports. These plans reflect the government’s eagerness to “break the mentality of inertia,” as Cuban Vice President José Ramón Machado remarked during his speech celebrating the 58^th anniversary of the Cuban Revolution.

One of the boldest proposals incorporated in the legislation, designed to liberalize the Cuban economy, is the legalization of the buying and selling of private property.  Set to take effect by the year’s end, this measure constitutes a striking departure from the present bartering practice known as a permuta, or a property swap in which supposedly no money is exchanged. The system is in line with characteristically Cuban socialist values since it theoretically involves only the exchange of properties of equal value, thereby precluding any monetary transfer. The reality, however, is that these swaps fuel a black-market real-estate sector in which unofficial brokers known as corredores maintain a clandestine database of listings (classified listings are illegal), which they use to assist potential buyers and sellers swap properties of distinct values. Brokers are happy to facilitate these illegal exchanges for anywhere from several thousand USD to USD 40,000. One Cuban woman shelled out the equivalent of an estimated USD 3,300 for an apartment three floors below and with one more bedroom than the one she originally owned. This would normally be an exorbitant amount to pay, considering the average monthly salary in Cuba is twenty dollars. It is worth noting that this woman’s husband works for the Housing Department, so their new home was most likely paid for with bribes that he himself received.

Another disadvantage brought about by Cuba’s current restriction on the sale of real estate—which eliminates the opportunity for Cubans to earn a profit off of their property—is a sluggish construction industry. The slow pace at which new buildings are erected continues to exacerbate the housing shortage, which has led to overcrowding along with substandard living conditions. Demography expert Sergio Díaz-Briquets estimates a 1.6 million-unit housing deficit nationwide (Cuban statistics show the number to be about 500,000), and architect and former Director of Urbanism and Architecture in Cuba Mario Coyula notes that there is not a single unoccupied residence in Havana. Reinvigorating the construction industry will not only ease the overcrowding issue, but it will also create jobs. A property-market makeover could produce enough wealth and revenue to turn Cuba’s economy around.

Of course, the government has already outlined stipulations that qualify the measure, such as imposing a property limit of one unit per person. Indeed, President Castro stated that “the role of private property would be small to avoid capitalism and its hunger for luxury.” While the Castro regime is not willing to completely cede state power over the economy to the free market, it acknowledges that the country’s precarious future rests on certain fundamental changes to its current policies, even if some appear to belie Cuba’s socialist values.

Liberalizing the housing market will affect Cuba in several key ways. At an economic level, an open real-estate sector eliminates the black-market middle man and legitimizes the industry, which allows the government to increase its revenue in the form of property taxes. Remittances from Cubans living abroad are also expected to rise after the measure is implemented. Today, Cuban emigrants send home an estimated USD 800 million to USD 1.5 billion annually; this number is only expected to grow once they have the ability to invest in real estate.

While the above implications and statistics are of great interest to the government, it is important to acknowledge how an open housing market will affect Cubans as individuals. On a personal level, an open housing market will change the way Cubans perceive homeownership. Whereas housing is a basic right under socialism, this new system will transform homes into genuine assets off of which Cubans can profit, if they choose. Once the government’s role in the affairs of real estate is reduced, the heightened sense of ownership could foster feelings of pride in one’s home not possible before this reform. However, as people relocate based on property prices and the freedom to choose better homes, neighborhoods of distinct social classes will inevitably start to develop.

Although the amount of economic prosperity and freedom that a more liberalized market will actually bring is unclear, the Communist Party’s uncharacteristic decision to pass this list of reforms indicates that dismantling Cuba’s heavily regulated economy is vital to state survival. Hands made weary by a slow economy and a bloated public sector no longer hold the same grip they once exerted on a post-revolutionary Cuba. Other nations may even interpret the government’s proposal as a harbinger of nascent capitalism. If the current privatizing reforms continue, the country may soon experience deepened social inequality among other the problems that open markets bring.  But, nonetheless the potential gains in economic productivity and competition could make these side-effects well worth it.

Written by COHA Research Associate Lauren Paverman

A midweek round up of Latin American News

Political Flack and Support: The Chilean Citizen is a Critical One,

Chilean Protests: Nurturing the Politicians of the Future and “New Type of Citizen”

These are the largest protests since the call for Pinochet to step down.  A more ‘critical citizenry,’ willing to challenge a government of political consensus is emerging.  Chileans demand improvements in the quality, not solely the quantity of Chilean institutions and social services.

Camila Vallejo, a charismatic 23 year-old nose pierced rebel punk, emerges as one of the main leaders of the ongoing student protests demanding massive increases in government spending to improve a less than equal education system.  She and many of her colleagues may represent the next generation’s political leaders focused on critically challenging the performance of the government in ensuring opportunities for its citizens, rather than accepting political compromise meant to appease the elite.

Although the government agreed “to amend Chile’s constitution to include a guarantee of quality education and cutting interest rates on student loans from 6.4% to 2%, [in addition to] the promise of an extra 1.9 trillion Chilean pesos (£2.5bn) in education spending,” they have been unable to quell the uprising

In the words of Vallejo, “here we have more than 50m pesos worth of tear gas. Imagine how much was used on the regional or the national level? This is inacceptable, we want to reiterate our demand that we made to the minister of the interior that he step aside.”

Bolivia: Stay out, but give me more

Marches move from all sides:  Morales under fire from the Amazon to the Sierra.  The tide of indigenous peasant marches swells, covering multiple parts of the Andean nation. 

In the low lands, a collection of Indigenous peasant organizations gathered in a 300+ mile march, in defiance of the President’s desire to construct a road through the TIPNIS Autonomous National Reserve.  However, many “CSUTCB cocalero leaders who support the road have threatened to organize counter-mobilizations to block the march along the way.”

Meanwhile, in the mining city of Potosi, protestors are demanding more.  “A broad coalition of cooperative miners, peasant associations, and indigenous groups led by the civic organization COMCIPO held a massive demonstration to protest the government’s lack of progress in implementing the regional economic agenda agreed to last August, following a 19-day civic strike.”

Their demands include the odd international airport, cement factory, metal processing plant, resolution on an “inter-departmental boundary dispute with neighboring Oruro, and the preservation of Cerro Rico.”

Foreign Policy: Lending a Hand to Gadhafi as Many Move on

Santos and Rousseff: Casting Aside four Decades of Autocracy

Colombia and Brazil have broken ties with Gaddafi’s representative at their Libyan embassies and have declared “full solidarity with the ongoing efforts under the leadership of the [National Transition Council] NTC.”

Chavez, Corea, Ortega: Condemning Imperialism

All three leaders continue to support the ghost of Gaddafi’s regime in what they see as a typical display of Western interventionism.  As for the rebels: merely agents of imperial ambition.

“We recognize only one government: the one led by Moammar Gadhafi,” said Chavez, speaking during a televised address.  “Without a doubt, we’re facing imperial madness.”

Ortega went so far as to offer Gaddafi asylum.  He might blend in nicely among the other expats residing in Granada.

Iran and Venezuela: Petrochemical Brothers

Agreed to commence joint construction on a number of petrochemical plants.

Society and Economy: More Rights, More Deals

Peru: Expansion of Asian Trade and Law of Consultation

Peru engaged in more dialogue with the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation (APEC) and other Asian economic communities with the goal of deepening ties and encouraging investment.  Much of this investment will most likely be in Peru’s hydrocarbons, minerals and metals (M&Ms), and other things that explosively expanding industrial powers crave.

Meanwhile, congress passed the Law of Consultation, which seeks to strength the power of rural communities to challenge mining and other extractive projects that threaten their homes.  The law would give these communities the opportunity to bargain directly with international corporations and the like.  While Garcia had revoked past approval of this law, expressing concern that it would discourage investment and hence ruin Peru’s ten year economic boom, many argue that creating a peaceful forum for investors and locals will end the instability caused by bloody confrontations.  So far, 100 people have been killed in clashes. Therefore, this initiative may foster a better investment environment over the long-term.

Argentina:  Falling Unemployment Statistics Shadows Reality

According to the argentine government, unemployment fell from 7.4 percent to 7.3 percent in the month of July.  But Cristina Fernandez is boasting hollow numbers that don’t represent the true condition of the argentine labor force. While official unemployment may have fallen, this figure does not take into account the more than 25 percent of the labor force engaged in the informal economy. Another pointer: these statistics may be bogus all together.  Fernandez’s administration is no novice book cooker.

Furthermore, “The government has forecast economic growth for the full year of 8.2%. That follows 9.2% growth in 2010.”

Commodity Seesaw: Corn and Soy Beans

According to Bloomberg,

“Although soybeans will still remain the dominant crop in terms of acreage, we expect a slowing down of the growth,” Oil World said. “The biggest expansion is likely to occur in corn. This year soybeans are facing greater competition not only from grains but also from other oilseeds.”

“The total grain area in Argentina will rise 7.5 percent to 13.3 million hectares as oilseed planting climbs 3 percent to 21.7 million hectares, Oil World said. Brazil’s grain seeding will rise 3.5 percent to 20.5 million hectares and the oilseed area will expand 2.2 percent to 26.5 million hectares, it said.”

Bolivia’s S & P credit rating promoted to “Kinda investment Grade”

Mr. and Mrs. S & P give ol’ Bolivia a B+, its highest grade yet, but still four steps below investment-grade status.

In general, Morales’ administration has pulled off three things very well.  According to S& P, “[Bolivia] developed a track record of prudent macroeconomic policies that support moderate economic growth with steady inflation,” while reducing public debt as a percentage of GDP.

Export growth in combination with significant foreign investment in infrastructure and industry has improved the credit rating of this once debt laden nation.  Recently, Bolivia received a $2.1 billion investment by India’s Jindal Steel & Power Ltd. in what might become one of the largest iron ore mines in the world.

However, and this is a big however, the nations’ overall infrastructure still resembles that of Afghanistan.

Underworld: Favoritism, State of Emergency

Mexico: Everybody’s Favorite Cartel

Mexicans and Americans alike are raising concerns that their governments’ have been favoring certain cartels, such as  Sinaloa over Los Zetas.  With so much focus on the increasing power of Los Zetas - the former enforcement arm of Gulf Cartel made up of deserters from Mexico’s Special Forces - enforcement efforts have seemed to favor the more well-established and in fact larger Sinaloa Federation.  One reason may be the sheer amount of mass killings committed by Los Zetas, which implies a lack of control on the part of the Mexican government.  Mexico is prioritizing the organization that is perceived to pose the largest threat to society. 

Another morsel of thought: Sinaloa prefers to bribe officials, while Los Zetas fancy them in body bags.

Trinidad and Tobago: State of Emergency

At midnight on Monday, Trinidad and Tobago declared a state of emergency following a weekend crime spree (20-21 Agust), that left 11 people dead.  The declaration is responding to the growing prevalence of organized crime in this impoverish Caribbean nation.

“40 criminal gangs operated in Trinidad & Tobago in 2004, this figure has since risen to 86 according to official government estimates. The country’s homicide rate has surged from 19.79 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2004 to 37.79 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2009, according to the most recent figures cited in the 2011 Organization of American States (OAS) ‘Report on Citizen Security in the Americas.’”